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since June 19, 2001


Canada Suicides

Source: Suicide in Canada (1994), Mental Health Division, Health Services Directorate, Health Canada.

A description of the report is available at http://www.utoronto.ca/chp/hcu/families.html
The full report is available as a PDF document at http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/hppb/mentalhealth/problems.htm#Suicide

In 1992, close to 3,000 men chose the ultimate way out of the "Canadian experience."  It is an indication of the lack of concern for men in our society that this, and the continuation of this trend since then — every bit as bad as the peak reached during the Great Depression but far more long-lasting — receives very little attention by the media, researchers and social scientists.  It appears that they are all far too busy creating concern for the "true" victims in our society, women.  It appears that Statistics Canada is actually involved in actively hiding the gruesome truth from the public: Canadian men kill themselves at rates far higher than at any time before in Canadian history and have been doing so since 1971, ever since the liberation of women got well under way.
   That is reflected in the enormously high rate of potential years of life lost for Canadian males for 1997, as identified in the following graph.

canPYLL.GIF (43319 bytes)
Source: Statistics Canada Health Reports, 2001 Annual Report, p. 46
             (Health Reports, Vol. 12, No.3; Statistics Canada, Cat. No. 82-003, PDF File (1.6 MB))
Note: Potential years of life lost (PYLL) are calculated by subtracting the age of suicide victims from an arbitrarily determined life expectancy of 75 years.

If one takes in the massaged information pertaining to Canadian suicide statistics — hook, line and sinker — that StatCan feeds to the gullible public, it appears that the real victims of the Canadian suicide epidemic are our women.  Every random downward move in the trend for men is being celebrated as a major boon to men, whereas every random upward movement in the suicide rate for women is being mourned as if it were one of the greatest calamities that ever befell Canadian society. The facts of the true dimensions of this deadly disaster for Canadian men — the fact that it has been in existence for decades and is constantly growing to unimaginable proportions, the fact that, overall, the suicide rate for women has always been four and more times lower than that of men, the fact that over the past five decades the suicide rate for Canadian women has shown only very slight variations and, overall, remained virtually unchanged for all of that time — those facts are not stressed at all.  It gives the term "unbiased reporting" an Orwellian meaning.
    It would be possible to cope with the spin that is given by StatCan to the Canadian suicide statistics, if only all of the data from which StatCan derives its propagandistic exaggerations were available for others affected by them, to analyze and to evaluate.  Unfortunately, those people who have the greatest concerns about Canadian suicide statistics are also those who are too far down and out to be able to afford StatCan's prices for the information that StatCan tries to sell.  Besides, many of these men are not only down and out, but they are also too busy contemplating suicide.

How the public is being misled about the truth with respect to the number of suicide deaths can be seen in instances such as the spate of two suicides by young boys who killed themselves in June 2000, in widely different parts of Canada, coincidentally at about the same time. Their deaths are being advertised as being extremely rare in that age group.

National Post
Tuesday, June 20, 2000

Suicides raise concern over 'contagion effect'
2 cases investigated: Studies show death of one young person can trigger

By Mark Hume

VANCOUVER - The recent suicides of two pre-adolescent boys has a prevention worker concerned they may trigger more deaths.

Jennifer White, director of the Suicide Prevention and Information Resource Centre, said suicides by children aged 10 to 14 years are extremely rare in Canada, and the close occurance of two raises concerns.

On the weekend, a 10-year-old boy, whose identity has not been released by police, killed himself in North Vancouver. Another boy, Philip Allaire, committed suicide near his family's home in Buckingham, Que., last week....

Notice that the article doesn't even mention the age of the boy who killed himself in Quebec.  Perhaps there is only one thing that is worse than to be a boy in Canada, that is to be a boy in Quebec.  Not much to worry about other than that the two suicide deaths of boys may trigger more instances, the article appears to tell us.  The truth is something entirely different.  Boys' suicides in the age group 10-14 used to be rare in the 1950s, but not anymore.

Source: Suicide in Canada (1994), Mental Health Division, Health Services Directorate, Health Canada
   A description of the report is available at http://www.utoronto.ca/chp/hcu/families.html
The full report is available as a PDF document at

It appears the "contagion effect" mentioned in the National Post article has been at work to an increasing extent ever since the late 1950s.  Not only are we almost half a century late in worrying about it, it is a calamity that we should not only worry about but that requires that something be done.
   However, don't hold your breath.  The Canadian society is far too busy worrying about far more valuable victims of violent deaths, the total of half a hundred women that are being brought to their deaths each year as victims of so-called domestic violence.  We can't spare the time worrying about a few hundred boys who kill themselves each year — as the 25 or so boys aged 10-14 who commit suicide each year are just the tip of the iceberg.
   Do we perhaps not worry about the increasing epidemic of boys' suicides because subconsciously the thought is in people's minds that every dead boy is a good boy?  We can't even get statistics that cover the period from 1993 until now to determine whether the problem of boys' suicides has leveled off since 1992 or is getting worse.  Would that be the case if the sexes were reversed?

I have a suspicion that Mark Hume, the author of the article in the National Post, would be pleased to get clarification on the issue.  Why don't you send him a few lines with your suggestions on how to prevent the "contagion effect" that gets so enormously worse in the age group 15-19.  Write to Mark Hume at

FAX: (416) 383-2439
E-mail: online@nationalpost.com

You can also call the National Post and ask for Mark Hume at TEL: (416) 386-2800

Source: Suicide in Canada (1994), Mental Health Division, Health Services Directorate, Health Canada
    A description of the report is available at http://www.utoronto.ca/chp/hcu/families.html
The full report is available as a PDF document at

Ever since the '20s the Canadian suicide rates for men have consistently been higher by a factor of four or more than those for women.  They reached an enormous peak  during the Great Depression in the late twenties and early '30s, then fell again, to experience another sharp increase in 1945 and 46, and climbed once more following the 1968 Divorce Act Reform.  Along with the increasing vilification of men that began in the '60s, the suicide rate for Canadian men experienced a  prolonged, rapid increase that has only lately abated somewhat.  Nevertheless, in 1971 the rates for men reached and then surpassed for a number of years the peak reached previously in 1930. It took until 1989 before the rates declined to that existing at the onset of the Great Depression in 1927.  For men, three-and-half decades of "women's liberation" have been a traumatic experience.  For the male victims of suicide it was a deadly experience.

Source: Suicide in Canada (1994), Mental Health Division, Health Services Directorate, Health Canada
   A description of the report is available at http://www.utoronto.ca/chp/hcu/families.html
The full report is available as a PDF document at

Marriage and Divorce Rates in Canada (1967-1995)

From  SELECTED STATISTICS ON CANADIAN FAMILIES AND FAMILY LAW — November 1997, Department of Justice Canada

Note that with the increase in the divorce rate that resulted from the 1968 Divorce Reform that there were slight concurrent increases in the male suicide rate.  Of course, there is nothing in the report that examines a possible correlation.  However, for undetermined reasons, there was no increase in the suicide rate that corresponded to the increase in the divorce rate following the 1985 changes to the Divorce Act.  The reverse happened.  The suicide rate dropped, but it had already been dropping since 1983.  Is it truly possible that the new changes brought peace into the lives of people in marital conflict?  There'll be no answer to that question unless a more detailed analysis of the reasons for people's suicides than that presented in the Health Canada report is made.
    There is another possible correlation that should be examined.  Is it possible that the steep decline in the marriage rate from 1989 onward prevented more people from becoming embroiled in marital strife and therefore removed for many the reason to commit suicide?  How will we get to know about this?

Canadian Suicide Rates

Province Sex 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990    
Newfoundland Male 3.9 4.8 8.7 6.3 15.8 Graph  
Female 0 0.5 0.8 0.4 4.5
P.E.I. Male 6.1 15.3 21.6 21.2 21.7 Graph  
Female 0 0 0 1.6 0
Nova Scotia Male 10.5 11.6 16.0 20.8 21.7 Graph  
Female 3.5 4.2 2.6 2.3 4.4
New Brunswick Male 9.6 7.4 8.3 20.5 19.6 Graph  
Female 2.0 1.7 3.5 2.9 3.8
Quebec Male 5.2 7.7 13.3 23.1 27.2 Graph  
Female 2.1 2.2 4.6 6.8 5.9
Ontario Male 13.6 13.4 16.2 18.9 14.1 Graph  
Female 4.1 3.8 8.2 7.4 4.3
Manitoba Male 17.6 18.7 19.7 16.0 20.7 Graph  
Female 2.7 3.4 5.9 7.7 5.2
Saskatchewan Male 12.4 14.3 18.2 24.9 24.9 Graph  
Female 2.5 1.6 4.8 6.9 5.6
Alberta Male 14.0 15.5 20.1 26.7 25.7 Graph Article
Female 3.5 2.4 6.4 9.3 6.9
British Columbia Male 26.5 15.4 22.4 23.1 19.4 Graph  
Female 9.2 4.6 9.6 6.7 6.2
N.W.T. Male 44.4 16.1 17.2 38.4 57.4 Graph  
Female 14.3 0 0 0 7.6
Yukon Male 61.2 25.3 97.7 84.8 36.7 Graph  
Female 0 0 51.2 9.5 0

Source: Suicide in Canada (1994), Mental Health Division, Health Services Directorate, Health Canada Tables 2.1 and 2.2
   A description of the report is available at http://www.utoronto.ca/chp/hcu/families.html
The full report is available as a PDF document at


More up-to-date Canadian suicide statistics( suicide rates by health region and by sex for 1996) are contained in a graph that is shown after these notes.

The data presented in the Health Canada report does not permit to recognize some of the population groups that are mentioned in the report as being at more than average risk of committing suicide: Natives in Canada in areas other than the Yukon and the North West Territories, and inmates in institutions.  Members of "gender" groups, who are claimed to be at higher risks due to ostensible confusion and guilt regarding sex role identification, appear not to have been mentioned, although the report does provide a clear breakdown of the data by province/territory and the two sexes by age cohorts.

Natives comprise 3% of the Canadian population but comprise a disproportionately large part of Canada's prison population (about 30%).  It would probably not be unreasonable to assume that the same proportions hold true for suicides.  Fatherlessness is rampant in Native communities.  That is one of the reasons for the extremely high crime rate of Native youths.  Another is the high rate of unemployment that is a high as 80% and more in some Native communities.  If you access the full report, you'll find the results of those conditions reflected in an enormously high suicide rate for Native male teenagers, to a much lesser extent for Native female teenagers.
    One of the recommendations given in the report is to restrict firearms (42% of suicides by men are by means of firearms) and another one is to consider what kind of bedding to give to inmates (inmates hang themselves by fashioning ropes from bed sheets) and to watch for fixtures, pipes and projections to which such ropes could be fastened. 

Update 2007 07 18: Interestingly, the CASP Blueprint for a Canadian National Suicide Prevention Strategy, First Public Release, October, 2004 (267kB PDF file), by the Canadian Association for Suicide Prevention, proposes that very remedy:

Goal 2: Reduce the availability and lethality of suicide methods


2.1 Increase the proportion of primary care clinicians, other health care providers and health and safety officials who routinely assess the presence of lethal means including firearms, drugs, poisons and other means in the home, and who educate about actions to reduce associated risks.

2.2 Educate the public to reduce access to lethal means.

2.3 Support/Advocate for the development and use of technology to reduce the lethality of means, for example, firearm locks, carbon monoxide shut-off controls, bridge barriers, medication containers.

2.4 Educate the public about the specific risk of harm and death by suicide any time there is a firearm in the home or otherwise available.

2.5 Advocate for necessary legislation to support these objectives.

(ibid. top of p. 11)

In other words, the proposed solution for the successful eradication of the devastating pandemic of suicides that was created through decades of legislation and liberal social engineering is to legislate it out of existence.
   It appears that the suicide pandemic finally got the attention of the bureaucracy, and that the new sector of the bureaucracy will without a doubt experience cancerous growth as well, especially given the circumstance that this new sector of the social engineering industry has no real or practical appreciation of the problem it claims to be interested in solving.

CASP states: "We are survivors of loss" (Ibid. p. 5) and fails to recognize that, except for very rare exceptions, the only life lost through suicide is that of the victim, and that one may experience the loss of the life of a relative or friend trough suicide but that such an experience cannot be termed survival unless the successful suicide attempt involved the risk of loss of life of innocent bystanders such as in a suicidal head-on collision or a suicide bombing.

No one who committed suicide survives.  He is quite plainly and simply dead, and only his dead body and the memories of him remain.  Those who remain to remember the suicide victim may mourn the victim but can only in the rarest of circumstances be considered to be survivors.

On the other hand, the large number of those who are unsuccessful when attempting suicide do survive their suicide attempts.  To prevent them from repeating their suicide attempts will require far more than futile attempts to "reduce the lethality of means", unless one is willing to lock anyone who unsuccessfully attempted to commit suicide into a padded cell.

The only practical means to eradicate the suicide pandemic is to create the will to live in those who wish to kill themselves.  That means that we need to create a social environment in which causes of suicides no longer exist, an environment in which everyone has the urge to live life to the fullest in spite of the availability of a plethora of means by which to kill himself.

We must make life worth living for everyone.  That cannot be done through legislation.

One of the prerequisites for eliminating the suicide pandemic is to have less empathy for the "survivors of loss" and much more sympathy for the true victims of suicide.  Not much will be achieved if we attempt to create victim status for mourners of suicide victims.  That would be as impractical and as intellectually dishonest as to claim that the primary victims of war are the women and mothers who lost their husbands or sons.

    There are other recommendations in Suicide in Canada (1994), but there is nothing in the report that identifies what to do to alleviate the motivators like the Great Depression in the '30s, the consequences of men returning after being away for years fighting in World War II — who then found their lives, their careers, their health and their families in shambles — or the impact of divorce reforms and the escalating vilification of men since the '60s.  As is apparent from the first graph shown on this page, the suicide rates for the last few years of the period exceeded that of the Great Depression.  The reason for the steady decline of the rate in the very last portion of the period is not clear.  Could it be that the drop in the rate for both men and women reflects the escalation in the use of tranquilizers?
    The adoption by so many of destructive life styles that bear more serious consequences today than two decades ago has had an impact on the suicide rates.  There have been cases of murder by means of unprotected sex.  It stand to reason that there is a fair number of suicides by the same means (i. e.: the people who deliberately drink themselves to death, or gay men - "bug chasers" - who deliberately have unprotected anal sex in order to become infected with HIV).  It appears that the cause of death is only diagnosed as suicide if it occurs more or less instantaneously.  Perhaps it would be reasonable to include destructive lifestyles as a means for committing suicide, even if they do take years to result in the death of an individual.

What is enormously curious is that the rate of decline after the year 1983 is so smooth, with a total absence of any of the random variations in the rate of change that the data in all years prior to 1983 exhibit.  Are the smoothness of the curve and its downward slope due to sharp changes in the general aspects of the life experiences of Canadians that happened in 1983, or is the smoothness and the direction of the curve due to changes in the policies pertaining to data collection, diagnostic standards, or in the manner of interpreting the raw data?  At any rate, one would think that it would be important to identify the earth-shaking events that precipitated the enormously important causes of the change in suicide trends that occurred in 1983.  I'm sure that it didn't happen because the general public suddenly became afraid to take the ultimate way out of the Canadian experience on account of the fact that Canadian suicide rates had reached an all-time high in 1983, because even though the rates were far higher than at the peak of the Great Depression — already for more than a decade — that fact received barely any mention in the media.
    An analysis of the data to determine the reasons for the regional differences will most likely provide clear indications of what drives people to suicide, but because the vast majority of the victims are men it isn't very likely that the analysis will be made.  Men don't seem to be worth the effort.  It will be far easier, although far more expensive, to implement preconceived, unsubstantiated and politically-correct notions like firearms control, and, for the inmates, perhaps padded walls and restraining jackets.
    It seems to be very likely that the increasing rate of unemployment in Quebec, opposed to the increasing rates of employment in Ontario and Alberta for example, accounts for a good portion of the pronounced difference of the suicide trend in Quebec.  After all, a man who can't see his children but must pay for their support, who lost his home but must still pay for its upkeep, who lost his means of transportation but must still provide the funds that make it possible for his ex-wife to pursue her interests, and who loses his job on top of all that to be left with nothing but a garnisheed Employment Insurance cheque that doesn't even permit him to rent a furnished room, that man is truly down and out and hasn't got much left to live for any longer.
    Perhaps it would be more important to address those kind of problems than to worry about removing from men the means to kill themselves.

The report does mention the need for more standardization of diagnostic determinations, but nothing is mentioned with respect to expanding the list of means by which suicide can be committed.  If a drunk driver kills someone other than himself he'll be charged with manslaughter and will serve time for his crime, unless the drunk driver is a woman.  On the other hand, if he only kills himself while under the influence, his death will be ruled to be accidental, not a suicide.  That doesn't seem to be a logical and correct approach in such cases.

The report contains a note of caution with respect to the extrapolations that were made from the data for the Yukon and the North West Territories.  There the actual population sizes are far smaller than the population size of 100,000 that was used for standardization of the suicide rates.  For that reason random fluctuations manifest themselves in trends that are more erratic than those in the provinces.

CanSuicRates1996.gif (20725 bytes)
Source: Statistics Canada

Let's put the high suicide rates in Nunavut and in the Yukon Territory into perspective.  If high suicide rates can be equated with social chaos — and you be the judge of whether that is a reasonable assumption — then the extent of the social chaos existing in Nunavut and in the Yukon Territory ranks right up there with and ahead of the top-ranking countries in the world as far as that goes.
Suicide Rates (per 100,000)
Country Males Females
Nunavik (Canada) 182 31.1
Nunavut (Canada) 98 33
Lithuania 73.7 13.7
Russian Federation 72.9 13.7
Estonia 64.3 14.1
Yukon Territory (Canada) 34 6.5

The suicide rates for the three countries from the former communist block are quoted from Suicide Rates  — Various Countries
   The suicide rates for Nunavik* are from Statistics Canada, the same source as the rates for Nunavut and the Yukon Territory.
* According to http://www.nunavik-tourism.com/ :

Nunavik is Quebec's arctic region. A vast and virgin territory lying north of the 55th parallel; bordered by Hudson Bay to the west, Hudson Strait to the north and Ungava Bay and Labrador to the east. It is 507,000 km2 of truly wild tundra, taiga forest, scenic mountains, majestic rivers and countless lakes. Its inhabitants are the Inuit, the Naskapi and the Cree.

Friendly, Beautiful and Wild

Beautiful, perhaps; wild, most definitely, but friendly? Really, how can that possibly be, when there are suicide rates of 182 men and 33.1 women per 100,000?

Eeva Sodhi, a social critic specializing in examining the abuses by the Canadian activist judiciary and its destructive social engineering puts all of this into the right context:

Dr. Aaron T. Beck, University of Pennsylvania, says in his "Risk Factors for Suicide in Psychiatric Outpatients":

"Previous studies of suicidal patients suggested that three cognitive factors were associated with high suicide intent: high hopelessness, low level of self-esteem, and impaired problem-solving ability. Other previous studies have supported the role of the first two variables as predictors of eventual suicide."

All the above factors can be seen to be directly linked to the bias in family courts. Once the control of his life has been taken away from an individual he no longer has the ability to solve his problems. That leads to high hopelessness and low level of self-esteem. Yet, study after study ends with the remark that it is not fully understood what is the cause for the ever-expanding epidemic of suicides by men who are in their prime.

Divorce and separation not only increase suicide risk for men but also for children. After surveying 752 families at random, Carmen Noevi Velez and Patricia Cohen divided the children into those who had never attempted suicide and those who had done so at least once. They found that the two groups differed little in age, family income, race, and religion. But those who attempted suicide were more likely to live in non-intact family settings than were the non-"attempters". [in their "Suicidal Behavior and Ideation in a Community Sample of Children: Maternal and Youth Reports," Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 273 [1988]: 349-356]

in Activist Supreme Court Justices

Eeva Sodhi sees a solution in places where joint custody is awarded routinely.  She uses Sweden as an example:

Letís look at the facts and leave mythology aside. It is expected that courts order sole custody in the absence of mutual consent, even when both parents have equal parenting abilities. Sole custody is usually ordered to the mother even if the father has been proven to be the more involved parent, like in Gordon v. Goertz. "Mutual consent" is an unrealistic goal as long as sole custody has its rewards. It goes without saying that no amount of mediation will convince the parent who can expect to gain from sole custody to consent to joint custody.

About 80% of custody awards in Sweden are for joint custody. Litigations about child-support are rare as both parents are viewed to be equal partners, equally capable of earning a living. Once the reasons for disagreement, which are money and control, have been removed, parents donít have much left to fight about, especially as they are not forced into a slave-master, and a host-parasite relationship, and thus are able to preserve their dignity. Rather, they learn to view shared physical custody as a plus which gives them a welcome respite from the mundane tasks of child rearing.

in Activist Supreme Court Justices

True, men are far more likely than women to commit suicide after divorce and separation.  Australian data for 1998 show men to be 12 times more likely than women are to commit suicide after divorce and separation.  Joint custody awards ought to improve that sorry state of affairs somewhat, but is it the controlling cause of the high suicide rates for men?  That is not very likely, or else Sweden ó right after Canada, Romania and Mauritius and ahead of the USA ó would not have one of the highest suicide rates of all socialistic regimes in the world, with socialistic regimes as a group ranking at the top of the list.  Feminism and socialism (more correctly, communism) are one, especially in Sweden. Feminism is a deadly ideology, particularly for men.

Suicide Rates (per 100,000) — Various Countries
Source World Health Organization




Lithuania 73.7 13.7
Russian Federation 72.9 13.7
Estonia 64.3 14.1
Latvia 59.5 11.8
Kazakhstan 51.9 9.5
Hungary 49.2 15.6
Belarus 48.7 9.6
Slovenia 48.0 13.9
Sri Lanka 44.7 16.6
Finland 38.7 10.7
Ukraine 38.2 9.2
Croatia 34.2 11.3
Republic of Moldova 30.9 6.2
Switzerland 30.9 12.2
France 30.4 10.8
Austria 30.0 10.0
Luxembourg 29.0 9.8
Belgium 26.7 11.0
Cuba 25.6 14.9
Bulgaria 25.3 9.7
Denmark 24.3 9.8
Japan 24.3 11.5
Poland 24.1 4.6
Czech Republic 24.0 6.8
New Zealand 23.6 5.8
Germany 22.1 8.1
Yugoslavia 21.6 9.2
Canada (Details) 21.5 5.4
Romania 21.1 4.3
Mauritius 20.6 6.4
Sweden 20.0 8.5
United States of America (Details) 19.3 4.4

from Suicides in various countries

See also:

Back to Index of Health Issues

1999 07 16
2000 06 21 (Incorporated National Post article about suicides by young children)
2000 06 30 (Added link to Alberta suicide information)
2001 01 29 (Minor format changes)
2002 01 29 (Incorporated information on potential years of life lost for leading causes of death)
2002 02 19 (added graph for suicide statistics by sex and by province/territory for 1996)
2002 02 20 (added information about Canada's northern territories)
2002 04 21 (added quotes from Eeva Sodhi's Activist Supreme Court Justices)
2007 07 18 (added comment on the CASP Blueprint for a Canadian National Suicide Prevention Strategy)